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Wednesday, March 19, 2025

 


-Join Beaver County Peace Links-

THE RESUMED GENOCIDE IN GAZA CALLS FOR  

AN EMERGENCY PEACE VIGIL 


TODAY, WEDNESDAY, 

MARCH 19,

5:30-6:30 PM

Beaver County Courthouse
810 3rd Street, Beaver PA 15009

Today, March 19th, is a nationwide call and emergency mobilization to demand an end to foreign wars and to refuse the normalization of genocide and ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people by Israel and the United States. 

Please call Rep. Chris Deluzio TODAY at 202-225-2301 demanding an immediate cut-off of military weapons to Israel!  

Beaver County Peace Links gathers together every Saturday for our weekly PEACE VIGIL (1-2PM) at the BC Courthouse. We have signs or bring your own. Your presence and voice is so important. Thank you.

Below is and article by one of our members, Carl Davidson, explaining the DHS seizure of Maumoud Khalil, being illegally detained, and the need for us to demand his freedom.

Mahmoud Khalil’s Illegal Kidnapping is the Tip of a Fascist Spear

We must confront and stop this now

















Image: “Release Mahmoud Khalil” protests, NYC by Laurie Davidson


A Palestinian human rights advocate, Mahmoud Khalil, has been kidnapped from his Columbia 

University residence and illegally detained by ICE/DHS agents, first in New Jersey, and now in 

a private prison in Louisiana.


 Khalil is a legal resident of the U.S. with a Green Card. His wife is an American citizen, and eight 

months pregnant. He has broken no U.S. laws, or at least none his ICE captors will name, and he 

is entitled to all the protections of the U.S. Constitution. He is a self-described human rights advocate, 

and what he has done is participate in campus protests against the ongoing Israeli genocide against 

Gazans and residents of the West Bank, where his family is from. During these protests, he was the 

designated negotiator between the students protesting and the Columbia administrators, working 

to avoid any undue conflicts.

  

Why call this a kidnapping? First, the four plainclothes DHS agents entered Khalil’s housing space 

illegally. He gave them no permission. The agents claimed they had a “warrant.” This was a lie, they 

had no legal warrant at all. They claimed they had a warrant to revoke his student visa. Khalil informed 

them he wasn’t on a student visa. He had a green card. After a quick phone conversation, the agents 

claimed they now had authority to revoke his green card. Another lie. They did not. They simply seized 

Khalid, rejected any queries from his lawyers, and quickly flew him to Louisiana. Why? To separate him 

from family and effective legal advice, the opposite of habeas corpus.

 

What did the agents have? Simply a directive from Trump and Marco Rubio, via DHS, to arrest and 

deport him for being pro-Hamas and anti-Semitic, and thus disruptive of U.S. foreign policy. None of 

this is true, and even if it were, it is still protected speech under the First Amendment. How was he likely 

targeted? An Israeli professor at Columbia who disliked Khalil intensely contacted Marco Rubio and 

asked him to do something. Rubio then discussed the matter with Trump, fishing for a rationale to justify

 Khalil’s persecution.

  Rubio found an obscure State Department regulation allowing him to deport legal residents, even with 

green cards and breaking no laws, if he thought their ongoing presence would have “serious adverse f

oreign policy consequences.” (The architect of that 1952 regulation, Nevada Senator Patrick McCarran,

 portrayed Jews as Soviet agents and “subversive rats that need to be kept out.”) The regulation is 

obscure and odious, and it is not at all clear it could be applied to Khalil as an individual. Moreover, 

Rubio would first have to have an immigration court take away Khalil’s green card protections, which

 is not within the State Department’s reach.

 

Rubio’s foreign policy reasoning? “There are kids at these schools that can’t go to class. You pay all 

this money to these high-priced schools that are supposed to be of great esteem, and you can’t even 

go to class. You’re afraid to go to class because these lunatics are running around with covers on 

their face, screaming terrifying things.” (Lunatics like the pardoned January 6th criminals?)

  

We need to see that the Trump attack on Khalil is the tip of the spear. The first stab is ideological. 

All protests against Israel’s actions regarding Palestinians are, ipso facto, by that very fact, anti-Semitic

 and pro-Hamas. Never mind the fact that large numbers of Jewish students, through their peace 

and justice groups, and hundreds of Rabbis, have joined many of these same protests. Trump even 

sends Mike Huckabee as the new ambassador to Israel, who asserts “there is no such thing as a

Palestinian,” a view shared by Pete Hegseth, his new Defense Secretary.

 The second stab is political. Trump wants to isolate and divide any emerging peace movement critical

 of him. He proclaims that “this is just the beginning” and we can expect hundreds of more arrests, since

 being pro-Palestinian also means you are “pro-terrorist” and can be arrested or deported under any of 

the several post 9/11 draconian laws regarding terrorism. At the top of the list are some six million 

Palestinian-Americans, then perhaps a hundred million U.S. citizens who think Palestinians in Israel 

have rights to be respected by all. Most of these are Democratic voters, and they are thus warned to 

shut up and stay out of politics.

 The third stab is institutional. Trump is taking aim at nearly all universities and colleges, which he 

believes are controlled “by the radical left.” Unless they are purged of all critical thought, he will cut 

off millions in government support. He already took $400 million from Columbia. More than anyone, 

we on the left know this is ridiculous. Despite a few reforms won in the 1960s regarding Black, Women’s, 

and various other studies departments, it is quite clear to us that higher education remains firmly in the 

hands of the capitalist class and serves its interests. That was one reason motivating the students 

at Columbia in the first place, the university’s support for the war machine, especially in the Middle East.

  

Many of us have seen this movie before. In the early days of the 1960s civil rights protests in the South, 

students were labelled “outside agitators” and “paid agents of the Kremlin and the communists.” 

Early protestors against the Vietnam War were called “traitors” and “unpatriotic,” with some ROTC 

hecklers throwing red paint on them. Universities threatened to take away any federal loans. With 

J. Edgar Hoover’s COINTELPRO assault, things turned worse. We saw the assassination of Fred 

Hampton and the murders of many other Black Panther Party members. Hoover started the program

 in 1956 against the CPUSA, but widened its scope against Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr, many others 

in Black-led movements, and the entire New Left. (This writer was on COINTELPRO’s short list

 of “those to be neutralized.”)

 

We stood up to these attacks fearlessly from the start. As far as we were concerned, “McCarthyism”

 was dead and over. If called before hearings or the courts, we would disrupt or otherwise protest t

hem with guerilla theater. The House Un-American Activities Committee died the day Jerry Rubin 

showed up to testify wearing a Santa Claus suit, claiming he wanted all the kids watching TV to 

see HUAC attacking Santa Claus. Eventually, especially after returning GIs joined a massive

 antiwar mobilization in D.C. and threw their medals back at Congress, the tide turned. A militant

 minority had become a progressive majority.

 

That points to the task before us: we have to turn today’s militant minority in solidarity with Gaza 

and the West Bank into a progressive majority demanding a ceasefire and cutoff of funds to Israel. 

In some ways, the stakes are higher and more difficult. Antisemitism, in many ways, is a more 

difficult label for many to see through than “communism,” especially with a population divided 

into separate media silos.

 

We know all the instruments to play. Circulate and sign petitions, get a letter in your local paper 

(worth tens of thousands of leaflets), get your local Dems, unions, and independent political 

organizations to demand freedom for Khalil, put the heat on your local members of Congress,

 turn out for all the street protests, and so on.

 

We know the drill, and we have to engage this fight today in a big way. What’s happened to Khalil 

is a huge injustice, and we need to reverse it. But this reaches far beyond Khalil, even beyond the 

movement around Gaza. It reaches to Trump's overall efforts to reverse all progressive gains and 

return the United States to the era of his new high-tariff seizor-of-foreign-lands hero, President 

William McKinley. To the degree that we can’t stop it here, it will only get worse. We have no desire 

to see a new era of bloodletting that we saw in the 1960s and 1970s. Nor can we go back to an 

old “normal.” We have to move forward, shifting the terrain to defeat MAGA fascism and win governing 

power for the wide alliance of a Third Reconstruction. For that position, we will face even newer 

prospects, but we have to get there first.




Thursday, February 13, 2025

How Mass Deportation Harms All Working People

 


By Andrew Moss  

Knoxville Sun  

Jan 10, 2025 - Donald Trump pledged to start deporting undocumented migrants “on day one” of his administration, and that day is quickly approaching.  

If Trump’s working-class voters believe that deporting 13.3 million people will somehow better their economic lives, many will soon realize that mass deportation harms all working people, not just migrants, and will worsen a growing, oppressive inequality.  

Firstly, consider the anticipated labor shortages in agriculture and construction. Almost three-quarters of agricultural workers are immigrants, with 40 percent of them being undocumented. About one-fifth of the construction workforce is also undocumented. Since these undocumented immigrants represent such a significant share of employment in these critical industries, their deportation will lead to severe labor shortages, likely driving up food prices and impeding efforts to increase housing supply.  

Additionally, consider the expected decline in tax revenues and contributions to Medicare and Social Security. Undocumented workers do pay taxes and contribute to Medicare and Social Security; their removal would result in billions in lost local, state, and federal tax revenues (for instance, $76.1 billion in 2022 alone) alongside billions more in lost contributions to Medicare and Social Security ($28.3 billion annually).  

A mass deportation initiative would cost taxpayers enormous amounts to manage the process of rounding up, detaining, and deporting 13.3 million individuals: estimates suggest $88 billion a year if one million people are deported annually or $315 billion if all 13.3 million are deported in a single year, according to the American Immigration Council. (The Council notes that the former sum could be better utilized over 10 years to build 2.9 million new homes or for other essential social investments).  

Someone will have to finance the deportation of millions. If Republican lawmakers get their way, it won’t be the billionaires and multimillionaires who have aligned themselves with Trump. Donald Trump is committed to making permanent the individual tax cuts that, much like the corporate and individual cuts he signed in 2017, favor the wealthiest in the nation. Extending these cuts would add $4.6 trillion to the federal deficit over several years, according to Congressional Budget Office projections. Thus, the enormous expense of mass deportation necessitates cuts elsewhere to fund it—and the burden will inevitably rest on lower-income Americans.  

Elon Musk (net worth: $416.8 billion) and Vivek Ramaswamy (net worth: $800 million to $1 billion) have been recruited by Trump to find ways to trim the federal budget, claiming that $500 billion could be cut. One can only speculate about the financial juggling required to fund such an expensive deportation initiative while simultaneously cutting hundreds of billions in tax revenues.  

However, the proposed cuts to Medicaid, the largest single source of health coverage in the nation that primarily serves low-income Americans, are all too real. Proposed by House Republicans and promoted by the Heritage Foundation in its Project 2025, these cuts could range from $459 billion to $742 billion over several years, severely underfunding or eliminating health services for many individuals (Medicaid covers 72 million people overall).  

When you connect all the dots—the vast financial implications of mass deportation, the revenue losses from expelling millions of earners and from tax cuts benefiting the wealthy, and the potential cuts to essential social and health services—you begin to understand the substantial harm that deportation will inflict on all working people and the nation as a whole.  

Much of this damage is fueled by racially based scapegoating, a powerful divide-and-rule tactic that pits individuals against each other and groups against each other, corrupting society as it normalizes cruelty towards the most vulnerable populations. This strategy works for a simple reason: fear sells.  

Yet fear and financial figures do not create the complete picture. Alongside advocacy groups and sanctuary jurisdictions (cities, counties, and states) that uphold and promote immigrants’ rights, the vital role of unions emerges in affirming the solidarity of all workers, regardless of their immigration status. In my hometown of Los Angeles, where immigrants make up a substantial portion of the workforce, visionary and courageous union leaders in the 1990s recognized that immigrants’ rights and workers’ rights were inseparable. They began organizing around this core idea, transforming the political landscape of the city and ultimately influencing national immigration policies through the AFL-CIO.  

We now stand on the brink of a renewed large-scale struggle for the dignity, rights, and well-being of all working people in this country. Much depends on the creativity, energy, and discipline brought to this struggle—as well as the success in fostering a shared vision of solidarity and mutual support among workers, regardless of their background or status.  

Andrew Moss, syndicated by PeaceVoice, writes on politics, labor, and nonviolence from Los Angeles. He is an emeritus professor (Nonviolence Studies, English) from California State University.